East/West

A. Bonnett , in International Encyclopedia of Human Geography, 2009

Communism between East and West

Bolshevik communism in the USSR/Russian federation began as a project of Westernization. For Lenin and Trotsky Russia was ripe for Westernization; it was something that needed to happen non only for the revolution to succeed but for it to be thinkable. In his typically imperious style Lenin decreed in 1918 that,

information technology is our chore … non to spare dictatorial methods in lodge to hasten the copying of Westernism by barbarous Russian federation even more than did Peter [the Slap-up], not shrinking from barbarous methods of struggle confronting barbarism. (Lenin, 1965: 340)

The Bolshevik's association of atrocity and slavery with the Due east was, in function, a reflection of their faithful reading of Marx, who expressed like views. However, it also represented the continuation of the views of the Russian aristocracy. The conviction that progress was Western and conservatism Eastern was mapped onto an existing imaginative geography of the West existence modern, aware, and civilized and the E existence the antithesis of all 3. 'Asianism' (Aziatchina) represented everything that was one-time and rotten, everything that needed to be ripped out of both Russia and her colonies. Mixing images of political reaction, with those of disuse and infestation, Trotsky looked forwards to the development of a clean, new Western civilization. "The revolution" he wrote in 1923, "means the last interruption of the people with Asianism, with the 17th century, with holy Russia, with ikons and cockroaches … an assimilation of the whole people of civilization."

Nonetheless, the 'moral support' for the Soviet state offered by some Western workers did not recoup for the brute fact that the revolution did non spread to the West. The Bolshevik project was premised on internationalism; more specifically, on revolution in the W. It was idea impossible for a communist country to survive in the midst of hostile capitalist powers. The absenteeism of revolution, or even genuinely popular mass revolutionary movements, to materialize in the Due west, inverse the nature of Soviet politics. It allowed Stalin to turn his dorsum on the West and develop a form of nationalist socialism in which Russia was proclaimed to be the home of world revolution. "The whole world now admits," Stalin alleged in 1930, "that the centre of the revolutionary movement has shifted from Western Europe to Russian federation." This attitude encouraged an most phobic withdrawal from the W. In The Convict Heed (first published 1953), Czeslaw Milosz explained that,

The official social club is to evince the greatest horror of the West. Everything is evil there: trains are tardily, stores are empty, no one has money, people are poorly dressed, the highly praised applied science is worthless. If you hear the name of a Western author, painter, or composer, you must scoff sarcastically, for to fight confronting 'cosmopolitanism' is one of the duties of a citizen. (Czeslaw Milosz, 1985: 43)

With the plummet of communism in the late 1980s and early 1990s, Russian federation and its onetime colonial possession sought one time over again to redefine themselves in relation to the West. The outcome of this procedure is still not clear. Contemporary Russian governments like to deploy both pro-Western and anti-Western rhetoric. The latter is, in part, a response to the ability of the West, notably the U.s., to proclaim ideological victory in the global battle for ideas.

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A data calorie-free approach to monitoring the surround-development Nexus

Mathew Kurian , Yu Kojima , in Boundary Science, 2021

A Typology 1—soil erosion control in Laos

Assessing trade-offs between productivity and conservation under the privatization of property legislation

In the wake of communism in the late 1970s, Laos began granting land titles to individual individuals. As a event, private individuals began replacing shifting cultivation with non-rotation crops with an centre on maximizing yields. The Management of Soil Erosion Consortium identified these farming practices with the potential to maximize yields. 1 However, nosotros identified there was a trade-off between agricultural productivity versus soil erosion control. We found that yields on farm plots under shifting cultivation tended to exist lower. But the MSEC project by promoting yield enhancing direction practices that did not distinguish between plots with lower soil fertility and high slope could potentially offer lower aggregate benefits than what the controlled field trials were forecasting (see Table iii.three). We too found that the almost promising technical options tended to favour heart- and high-income farmers, reinforcing the socio-economical disparity along with celebrated ethno-racial and gender hierarchical lodge.

The example study emphasized three benefits of prospective studies for scaling up outputs of environmental research (Kurian, 2010). Offset, consultations with farmer groups and field staff of parastatal agencies enhance social learning on processes of information exchange, capacity building and projection bike management (Biggs and Smith, 2003). Second, a number of institutional bug relating to labour availability for farm operations and access to markets for agricultural inputs could be flagged fifty-fifty as engineering science trials were concluding (Scott, 1998). Tertiary, an added do good of a prospective study is that a methodology that incorporates perspectives on distribution of benefits and costs of technology adoption amongst farmers could be adult that can assistance monitor the potential benefits of technology adoption for historically marginalized groups in a community. In this connection, Sen (1999) makes the example for assigning evaluative weights to different components of quality of life, i.e., forest biodiversity, soil fertility or household income, and to and then place the chosen weights for open public discussion. It has been pointed out that such an exercise can provide a context to the analysis by focussing on intergenerational distribution of the benefits of technology adoption for food security at household and community levels (Dasgupta, 2001).

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Capitalism and Division of Labor

M. Brayshay , in International Encyclopedia of Human Geography, 2009

The Challenge of Control Economies and Communism

In the twentieth century, Marxist-style communism undoubtedly posed the most significant challenge to capitalism. Although Karl Marx predicted that communism would notice support among the exploited industrial working classes of core economies such as Britain and the Usa, paradoxically, the doctrine secured its first victory in 1917 in the least industrialized of the great powers, namely Russian federation. The Bolsheviks who led the Russian Revolution were therefore faced with the task of introducing a Marxist socialist organisation not among a predominantly urbanized proletariat, but in a largely peasant rural society. In the newly created Soviet Union, a highly centralized political organisation was built on the ashes of the Czarist regime and, past the end of the 1920s, a centrally planned, control economy had been developed in which private enterprise and gratuitous trade were abolished and agriculture and industry were collectivized. Armed services power was strengthened against the perceived threat of the capitalist world. Victory in Globe War Two (accomplished at an appalling cost in loss of life), and the subsequent opportunistic territorial expansion of communism across most of Eastern and Central Europe, thereafter divided the world into two starkly contrasting ideological, political, and economic entities – capitalist and communist – separated past Winston Churchill's famously evocative fe curtain. With both sides possessing a growing arsenal of nuclear weaponry, a confrontation arose that was characterized past an equal and mutual threat, which came to be known as the Common cold War.

Communism spread elsewhere, perhaps almost notably to Cathay but also, for example, to parts of Southeast Asia. Once once more, these recipients did not fit Marx's backer–proletarian model and the ideology therefore required adaptation according to particular circumstances. Withal the lack of Marxist purity in its application, communism was regarded as a highly dangerous challenge to both the philosophy and the practical functioning of capitalism. It became clear, however, that the stifling and inflexible constraints of the command economies of Soviet Bloc countries severely encumbered their ability to compete with commercialism in terms of productivity and innovation. By the early 1980s, the communist earth was in economic and political crisis. Unable to prevent the secession from communism of its customer states in Cardinal and Eastern Europe, in 1991 the Soviet Union itself crumbled into 15 carve up states – once more becoming open to backer penetration. The chill of the Cold State of war began to thaw.

Intriguing debates ensued on the reasons for the plummet of communism in its pioneering heartland. Some argue that Marx'southward teachings are fundamentally flawed and communism was spring to fail; others blame Lenin for his inept attempt to build communism in a country that was an underdeveloped peasant farming society. Those who champion the notion of the irresistible forces of commercialism run across communism'southward demise equally a victory for Adam Smith's notion of the invisible hand of the marketplace. Whatever the truth, the reintroduction of capitalism into the social and economical spaces of former communist countries has engendered a raft of astringent social and economic problems that have not yet been resolved. Moreover, while communist dominion survives, the forces of capitalism have more recently been unleashed in Cathay with extraordinary, paradoxical, and startling consequences for the unabridged world. Again, the full range of impacts and outcomes has yet to sally.

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Pessimistic Scenarios

John F. Shroder , in Natural Resources in Transitional islamic state of afghanistan, 2014

Land-Ownership Disputes

Every bit a outcome of the disastrous experiment with communism and the social and political chaos thereafter, land conflict erupted in Afghanistan because of edge disputes and cadastral confusion over buying ( Batson, 2008). Redistribution of land to peasants taken from wealthy land owners began the disruption as people had been compelled to surrender or sell property under duress. Houses were destroyed or occupied by others during the three decades of state of war. Official records were inaccurate or destroyed and ownership and ownership transfer documents were forged. Long-term residents might have had no official title considering the rights to land employ were in the class of social ownership or recognized through customary or common law, equally when kuchi nomads would bring their flocks onto government or mutual country. Since the invasion of Afghanistan by the Western Coalition forces in late 2001, various land grabs accept been perpetrated by different groups who apparently felt that they could just get away with information technology in the absence of strong government authorization (Mansfield, 2013). All this cadastral confusion has contributed to a great deal of unrest in dissimilar parts of the country. The result has been one more cause of the seemingly endless violence.

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Communist and Post-Communist Geographies

J. Timár , in International Encyclopedia of Human being Geography, 2009

Definitions of Communist Geography

Geographies which (ane) utilize the theoretical framework and concepts of scientific communism (socialism) for studying geographic issues; (ii) provide support for a communist social and economic formation (fashion of production) and social and political movements fighting for such a society; and/or (3) are institutionalized geographies cultivated in countries edifice state socialism (communism) can be regarded as 'communist'.

The main underlying reason for such a multiapproach definition is the numerous meanings of communism. 1 such meaning is what is called 'scientific communism', which is – in addition to dialectical and historical materialism and political economy – an important part of Marxism and Leninism; it is a theory according to which it is inevitable that communism should supersede capitalism and which explores the possible directions of building a socialist-communist gild. I of the tenets of this theory is that history is the story of class struggles. Under capitalism, the bourgeoisie owning the ways of production exploits the proletariat that only owns its labor through the surplus value generated by the latter. In the same club, all the same, conditions for eliminating social exploitation and establishing a new socialist social order, gratuitous from the contradictions of capitalism, were besides created. Product, which too acquired a social feature through the multitude of workers concentrated in big factories, requires that means of production should be in public ownership. Rest between the forces and relations of production tin be restored through the nationalization of the means of production, that is, through the exploitation, for the benefit of the society, of exploiters owning the ways of product. The fashion to a new classless society is a proletarian revolution. Marx and Engels' theory of scientific communism in the mid-nineteenth century was preceded past several other concepts and tenets – ranging from Plato's Utopia of communism, theories on socialism in the era of feudalism, the petty conservative and bourgeois version of socialism to disquisitional utopistic socialism and communism – on the transformation of the club forth socialist principles and the principle of a just and equitable club. According to Marx and Engels, however, as class struggle becomes more sophisticated so even critical utopistic socialism and communism becomes an obsolete, reactionary, or even bourgeois theory on socialism. Advocates of this theory intended to achieve their goals in a peaceful manner. The theory itself is not based on all-encompassing knowledge of the laws and motives of social development and fails to recognize the historical inevitability of a socialist revolution and 'the vocation of the proletariat in world history'. By dissimilarity, Marx considered scientific communism to exist the generalized commonage experience of the revolutionary movement of the working classes. Thus, communism also ways a sociopolitical move aimed at overthrowing commercialism and building a communist society.

Finally, communism is also used to refer to a socioeconomic formation which is based on the public ownership of the means of production and which can plow the principle of 'to each according to his needs, from each co-ordinate to his power' into reality. The commencement phase of the evolvement of this social formation is socialism, afterwards it has been fully consolidated, followed past full communism with the complete 'withering away of the state'. Not all the Marxists of the nineteenth century shared the view on the necessity of a socialist stage characterized past the dictatorship of the proletariat or on the characteristics of this stage equally were proposed past Marx. Conducted with anarchists, debates focused mainly on how the revolution, socialism, and the exploiting state were interrelated. On the eve of the revolution in Russia, Lenin worked out (and fifty-fifty 'fine-tuned') both the strategy of the revolution and the theoretical foundations of how a socialist country should be built. In order for practical tasks that emerged during the building of a socialist country, for instance, socialist industrialization, the reorganization of agronomics, and the tillage of a 'socialist mindset', to be fulfilled, an increasingly high number of new theoretical bug had to be tackled. The Russian Communist Party took such tasks in its stride and regarded them to be the guild of the day.

Because the fact that the characteristics of communist geography, which afterward evolved into mail-communist (mail service-socialist) geography, can best be studied in the quondam Soviet Union and in East Central European countries, which turned Marxism into a country ideology and which are today characterized by a post-socialist (mail service-communist) social order, what follows describes feel in this region.

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Credo

K.R. Olwig , in International Encyclopedia of Human Geography, 2009

Space and the 'End' of Ideology

World War II was likewise a war of ideologies, including nationalism, fascism, and communism, and the reaction against war stimulated a reaction against credo, particularly in America. Geography's theoreticians, such every bit Richard Hartshorne, became academic bailiwick builders, advocating the emptying of the historical written report of society/nature relations and, with information technology, the study of landscape, both of which lay at the heart of pre-war ideological debate. They argued instead for a geographical science of regions and space. A new generation of scientifically oriented geographers called for a 'quantitative revolution' in which geography would exist based on the 'spatial analysis' of 'locations' in space defined as in physics. This new geography was geared to social physics and functionalist spatial planning, and was, hence, highly academic and technocratic in orientation, and based on the 'scientific' principles of positivism.

In this new geography, bright and pictorial writing for a broad public and for educational purposes was downplayed in favor of mathematical linguistic communication. These geographers concentrated on making quantified analyses for a narrow circle of academics, technocrats, and planners. This new orientation created a wedge between academic geography and full general education that weakened the position of geography in the schools. It also distanced bookish geography from the various national geographical societies that cultivated a broad contact with nonacademic segments of society. John Yard. Wright (1891–1969), at the American Geographical Society, reacted against this trend, countering specialization with a call to establish a subdiscipline chosen 'geosophy' that would deal with the geographical knowledge of all manner of people, past and present.

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Tertiary Earth

J. Connell , in International Encyclopedia of Man Geography, 2009

New Geopolitics and State Failure

Further geopolitical changes brought new global structures. The nearly dramatic was the collapse of the formal structures of communism, with the disintegration of the Soviet Wedlock in 1991, symbolically marked past the devastation of the Berlin Wall (between the then separate nations of East and West Germany) in 1989, and consequently the constructive disappearance of the Second World, though several countries, including Prc, Cuba, and North korea, continued to maintain avowed socialist development strategies. In Europe, formerly socialist states entered a menstruation of postsocialist reconstruction toward privatization.

In other parts of the earth, countries formed regional groupings, such every bit CARICOM in the Caribbean, often designed to ameliorate regional and international trade structures. Small island states grouped themselves into the Association of Small Island States (AOSIS) recognizing their own particular needs which had much to do with environmental matters and uncommonly limited economic diversity. Though the Non-Aligned Movement continues to encounter, information technology has had decreasing relevance to the diverse needs, and particularly the political concerns, of the countries information technology sought to involve. Any sense of significant global blocs was thus dwindling.

A contemporary manifestation of the 3rd World, with its implication of both failure and vulnerability, is the growing recognition of failed states, that tin can no longer perform basic functions such every bit instruction, security, or governance, usually due to divisive violence or extreme poverty, or more than generally control the state, collect state acquirement, and police state borders. Within this power vacuum, people fall victim to competing factions, crime, and hunger, and sometimes the Un or neighboring states have intervened to preclude humanitarian disaster. However, states fail non only because of internal factors. Foreign governments tin besides destabilize states by fueling ethnic warfare. The World Bank has identified around 30 'low income countries under stress', the United Kingdom's evolution agency (Department for International Development) has named 46 fragile states of concern, and the journal Foreign Policy has developed an annual global ranking of weak and declining states, using 12 social, economic, political, and armed forces indicators to classify 60 failed or potentially failing states (Figure two). Tabular array 2 lists the indicators of instability for these countries. The assay excludes isle microstates in the Pacific, though both Nauru and Solomon islands have been seen as failed states.

Figure 2. Weak states. Source: Foreign Policy (2006). The failed states index. Foreign Policy 154, July, l–59.

Table ii. Indicators of instability

Rank Full Country Demographic pressure Refugees and displaced persons Group grievance Human flight Uneven evolution Economy Delegitimization of country Public services Human rights Security apparatus Factionalized elites External intervention
1 112.3 Sudan ix.6 9.7 9.7 9.one nine.2 7.5 ix.5 9.5 nine.8 9.8 ix.1 9.8
2 110.1 Dem. Rep. of the Congo 9.5 9.5 9.i 8.0 9.0 8.1 ix.0 9.0 9.5 ix.8 9.6 x.0
iii 109.2 Ivory Declension eight.8 7.6 ix.eight eight.5 8.0 ix.0 10.0 8.v 9.iv 9.8 9.8 10.0
4 109.0 Iraq 8.ix 8.three 9.8 nine.1 8.seven 8.ii eight.v 8.iii 9.7 9.8 9.7 ten.0
v 108.9 Zimbabwe 9.7 eight.9 8.5 ix.0 9.two- ix.8 viii.9 9.v 9.5 ix.4 iii.5 8.0
vi 105.ix Chad 9.0 9.0 eight.5 viii.0 ix.0 7.9 9.v nine.0 ix.1 9.4 ix.five 8.0
6 105.9 Somalia 9.0 8.ane viii.0 7.0 vii.5 viii.5 10.0 10.0 9.five 10.0 nine.8 8.5
8 104.6 Republic of haiti 8.8 5.0 8.8 viii.0 8.three viii.4 9.4 nine.3 9.6 9.4 9.half-dozen ten.0
9 103.1 Pakistan 9.3 9.iii 8.6 eight.1 8.9 7.0 8.five 7.five 8.5 9.1 ix.one 9.2
10 99.8 Transitional islamic state of afghanistan 7.9 9.half dozen ix.i seven.0 8.0 7.5 eight.3 8.0 8.2 viii.2 viii.0 10.0
eleven 99.0 Guinea 7.5 7.2 8.1 8.4 8.0 viii.0 9.1 nine.0 8.i 8.1 9.0 8.5
11 99.0 Liberia 8.0 ix.iii 7.0 7.one 8.six 8.ix 7.eight nine.0 7.two 7.3 eight.8 ten.0
xiii 97.5 Key African Republic nine.0 7.7 8.8 5.5 8.five 8.1 9.0 viii.0 7.5 8.9 8.0 8.5
14 97.3 Democratic people's republic of korea 8.0 6.0 7.two v.0 9.0 9.5 9.viii 9.five 9.5 eight.3 8.0 7.v
15 96.7 Burundi 9.0 9.1 7.0 6.7 8.8 7.viii 7.2 8.5 7.v seven.iii 7.8 10.0
16 96.half-dozen Yemen 7.8 6.vii seven.0 8.2 9.0 7.viii 8.viii 8.ii vii.2 9.0 9.4 seven.v
16 96.6 Sierra Leone 8.5 7.9 seven.1 eight.9 eight.7 9.0 8.0 8.0 seven.0 7.0 7.vii 8.viii
xviii 96.5 Burma eight.9 8.viii 9.0 six.0 ix.0 7.i nine.2 8.2 9.8 ix.0 viii.0 3.5
xix 96.3 Bangladesh 9.0 5.viii 9.5 8.5 9.0 7.0 9.0 7.five vii.viii viii.3 eight.9 6.0
20 95.iv Nepal 8.five iv.8 ix.two vi.0 9.2 eight.5 nine.2 six.2 9.1 ix.0 9.0 6.7
21 94.5 Uganda 8.0 9.2 7.8 v.7 eight.4 7.5 3.8 8.0 8.0 eight.5 7.9 vii.5
22 94.4 Nigeria 8.0 5.9 9.1 8.5 ix.0 5.4 nine.0 eight.3 7.1 9.2 nine.0 5.ix
22 94.4 Uzbekistan vii.seven 5.8 7.5 vii.5 eight.i vii.0 nine.3 7.0 9.three nine.1 nine.ane 7.0
24 92.nine Rwanda 9.5 vii.0 9.0 8.2 7.two 8.0 8.7 6.nine seven.7 five.0 8.9 6.eight
25 92.iv Sri Lanka eight.0 viii.2 9.1 vi.7 8.0 5.7 viii.6 seven.0 seven.two 8.5 eight.9 half-dozen.5
26 91.9 Ethiopia nine.0 seven.6 7.0 7.5 8.five eight.0 7.6 6.2 viii.0 7.five 8.seven 6.3
27 91.eight Republic of colombia seven.0 ix.1 7.4 8.v 8.five 3.2 8.7 vi.5 seven.vi 9.0 ix.two 7.one
28 xc.3 Kirgistan 8.0 half-dozen.6 vii.0 7.5 eight.0 7.five 8.3 seven.3 7.9 8.3 7.9 vi.0
29 89.8 Malawi 9.0 6.0 6.0 7.0 viii.8 8.8 8.0 9.0 8.0 5.five 6.seven vii.0
30 89.7 Burkina Faso 9.0 5.9 6.five six.6 viii.8 8.2 vii.8 8.iv six.five 7.half-dozen seven.7 6.7
31 89.5 Arab republic of egypt 8.0 6.0 8.v 6.0 8.0 7.0 9.0 7.3 eight.0 6.5 7.7 7.5
32 89.2 Indonesia 7.5 eight.ii 6.3 8.3 viii.0 6.8 6.7 7.2 seven.5 7.5 vii.nine 7.3
33 88.6 Syria 7.0 7.ane 8.0 6.8 eight.ix six.5 9.0 5.5 9.viii seven.5 7.1 6.two
33 88.6 Kenya ix.0 seven.i 6.7 eight.0 viii.0 6.8 vii.3 seven.ii 6.9 vii.0 7.vi vii.0
35 88.5 Bosnia and Herzegovina 6.5 8.5 8.6 6.0 7.3 half dozen.2 8.ane 5.8 five.three seven.5 viii.7 10.0
36 88.iv Cameroon six.5 6.8 6.five viii.0 eight.7 half-dozen.0 8.5 8.0 7.2 vii.6 seven.9 6.7
37 88.three Angola 8.0 8.five half dozen.three 5.0 nine.0 four.9 8.8 7.6 7.viii 6.8 eight.0 7.6
37 88.3 Togo seven.0 5.8 6.0 6.5 7.5 viii.0 8.7 eight.i 8.one 8.1 7.eight vi.seven
39 87.9 Kingdom of bhutan 6.0 8.ane 7.0 six.vii 9.0 8.0 8.4 6.0 8.six 5.0 8.4 half-dozen.7
39 87.9 Laos 8.0 5.nine 6.three six.six 5.9 6.5 7.9 8.0 8.2 nine.0 8.nine half dozen.7
41 87.8 Mauritania 9.0 5.9 8.5 5.0 7.0 7.8 vii.one 8.ii vii.1 7.6 7.nine six.vii
42 87.7 Tajikistan 7.0 6.6 6.ii 6.5 vii.4 6.viii 8.nine 7.5 eight.half dozen 7.5 8.7 six.0
43 87.one Russian federation 8.0 7.ii 8.0 7.0 8.0 3.7 8.2 6.9 nine.1 7.v nine.0 iv.5
44 87.0 Niger 9.4 iv.3 viii.5 6.0 seven.ii 9.0 7.ix 8.5 half-dozen.5 6.7 vi.0 7.0
45 86.l Turkmenistan seven.0 4.2 5.2 6.0 vii.2 8.0 9.one 7.2 9.seven 8.five viii.0 half dozen.0
46 85.4 Guinea-bissau vii.0 4.nine v.v 7.0 nine.3 vii.4 7.viii 8.0 7.9 7.5 6.five half dozen.half-dozen
47 85.0 Cambodia 7.5 6.5 7.0 eight.0 7.two half-dozen.0 7.viii seven.5 6.9 6.seven vii.five 6.4
47 85.0 Dominican Republic 7.viii seven.0 six.5 8.v 8.0 six.0 6.2 eight.0 seven.ane 7.0 7.four v.five
49 84.six Papua New Republic of guinea 8.0 2.5 8.0 8.0 9.0 7.0 seven.8 8.0 six.1 seven.0 half-dozen.7 6.v
fifty 84.5 Republic of belarus 9.0 5.one 5.5 3.v 8.5 6.3 9.0 vii.v 7.3 half dozen.eight 8.0 eight.0
51 84.3 Guatemala 8.7 6.0 7.1 6.7 8.0 7.1 7.v 7.i seven.1 vii.v 6.0 5.v
52 84.0 Equatorial Guinea 7.0 2.0 vi.seven vii.5 9.0 4.0 9.0 8.0 viii.5 viii.iii viii.0 half dozen.0
52 84.0 Iran 6.v 8.7 six.9 5.0 seven.five 3.0 8.1 six.1 9.ane eight.0 8.8 half dozen.three
54 83.9 Eritrea 8.0 7.2 5.four six.0 vi.0 8.0 viii.0 7.3 six.8 7.two 7.v 6.v
55 83.8 Serbia and Montenegro 5.7 eight.5 8.half-dozen five.5 8.0 six.5 7.8 five.0 v.6 half-dozen.5 8.six 7.v
56 82.9 Bolivia 7.five 4.0 seven.0 vii.0 8.8 six.2 7.0 7.viii 6.7 half dozen.v 8.iv 6.0
57 82.v Communist china 8.5 v.1 8.0 vi.6 9.2 four.5 8.five vii.three 9.0 v.v 8.0 two.3
57 82.5 Moldova 7.0 4.7 seven.iii 8.0 7.v 7.5 7.4 7.0 6.8 5.5 6.8 vii.0
59 82.four Nicaragua vi.5 five.v 6.4 seven.1 9.0 8.5 7.3 seven.2 5.7 6.5 7.0 v.vii
sixty 82.2 Georgia half dozen.0 6.8 vii.4 6.1 vii.0 5.5 7.vii 6.3 5.6 viii.ane 7.i eight.6

Most of the identified failed states, and those considered almost at take a chance, are again in sub-Saharan Africa, including Congo, Somalia, Sierra Leone, and Ivory Coast, but also include such countries equally Iraq and Transitional islamic state of afghanistan, and smaller island states such as Haiti and Nauru. In many of these states ethnic divisiveness often indicates irrelevant land boundaries, and several have experienced sometimes continuing internecine warfare, where external intervention has propped up the state. Uneven development is especially significant in well-nigh all the states that are loftier in Strange Policy's failed land index, suggesting that inequality rather than poverty is a disquisitional factor in instability. Similarly important is the criminalization of the state where state institutions are regarded as corrupt, illegal, or simply ineffective. Demographic factors, stemming from refugee movements and environmental degradation, are further problems.

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Nordplan and Nordregio

G. Olsson , in International Encyclopedia of Human Geography, 2009

Ane-Year Program

In the early years of post-war Europe there was a strong determination to build a new and amend society, a democratic world gratis of dictatorial fascism, albeit non always of dictatorial communism. In that move from abstract ideas to concrete implementation, a key role was to exist played past a cadre of bureaucrats with an ear sensitive to the political tunes of the mean solar day and a professional hand equipped for the task. From the very start, however, this ideal created its ain problem, for at that place were simply not enough experts effectually to meet the growing need. In add-on, those who actually did get recruited into the professional ranks (primarily architects, engineers, economists, and geographers) often lacked the necessary feel and interdisciplinary groundwork. The situation was substantially the same in all the Nordic countries (Kingdom of denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden) and since the numbers were likewise small for the cosmos of carve up national schools, information technology was agreed that here was an platonic case for internordic cooperation.

Thus, after a decade of gestation, Nordplan was eventually born – an organisation sprung from the Olympian heads of a small group of concerned architects and determined social engineers. Through the political connections of Lennart Holm – longtime chairman of the lath – the institute was placed in Stockholm, not considering the ideas were peculiarly Swedish, only merely because it had to be somewhere.

A number of teachers were recruited, including a troika of full professors, one in physical planning (Per Andersson, a Norwegian architect and consultant), ane in transportation planning (Stig Nordqvist, a Swedish engineer and consultant, in add-on the found's starting time and longest serving director), and one in economic geography and planning (Tor Fr. Rasmussen, a Norwegian geographer with his doctorate from Lund). The students (really not students at all, but a group of 50 mid-career bureaucrats) came from all of the v countries. The bulk enrolled for a one-year program of continuous teaching dissever into iii intense periods of 2 months of lectures and seminars in Stockholm and 1 month of fieldwork in one of the other countries.

The languages of instruction were Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish, which afterwards some initial difficulties could be understood past all. Since everyone (some Finns excluded) spoke and wrote his/her own mother tongue, the practice of conversing in a foreign language speedily changed from a deafening handicap into a whispering opportunity. This form of linguistic communication training was in fact one of the major assets of the program, for it bore directly on the principles of didactics and learning. The reason is that fifty-fifty though the political, social, economic, and planning problems are substantially the same in all the five countries, the attempted solutions tend to be slightly different. In the numerous group meetings it was therefore natural that each participant initially argued for the particular arroyo into which he/she had been socialized. Later on a while, however, and often in confrontation with the beliefs and practices of the others, many began to question their own taken-for-granted. With those doubts equally keys, the dialectical door of self-conscious reevaluation was unlocked; indeed, it was normal that after the Nordplan feel a fair number left the planning profession for expert. Although no formal degrees were offered, the accumulated impact was remarkable, individual lives greatly changed in the process. In total well-nigh 1500 searching professionals went through the experience of going to the limits, by definition the simply way to larn.

The months abroad were personally enervating and socially dangerous, for it was impossible for the practitioners not to experience their own activities equally a power-filled game of ontological transformations, a conception of activeness in which ideology turns to paragraphs, paragraphs to stone, stone to people. In addition, the teaching taught them that a basic tenet of utilitarianism is that the goodness of a given act should be judged in terms of its consequences, not in terms of the actor'due south intentions; tragedy in the making, reification, and alienation as well. But exercise the ideologues get lost because they are scientifically naïve or considering they are morally incorrect, obsessed past power for the sake of ability? Petty wonder that the discussions stretched into the nights, the trickling down tilting the bottoms up.

Over the years the course content and the ideological debates underwent considerable modify, and information technology was often hard to know whether the discussions said more than virtually the times or whether the times revealed more about the discussions. The turns and twists were many, but while virtually of the early traffic was bars to the well-paved highways of social applied science, the issues of the 1980s and 1990s were frequently found scattered effectually the swarming pathways of social movements. Throughout there was a penetrating focus on the relations betwixt structure and event, large systems and human existence, power and counterpower. In the process, the office of planning got so seriously questioned that in the long run the plant could not survive. What nevertheless remains is a large invisible college, a tightly knit network of social and professional relations.

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H2o Supply Regulation, Protection, Organisation and Financing

Don D. Ratnayaka , ... K. Michael Johnson , in Water Supply (Sixth Edition), 2009

2.4 Public Water Supplies in Mainland Europe

The manner of development of public water supplies across Europe was influenced by the coaction between differing administrative and legal systems (Newman, 1996 ) and by differing cultures. Centralising influences include monarchies, Napoleon and communism. Decentralising influences include federal governments and the forcefulness of municipalities who were instrumental in water supply development in nearly European countries. In French republic this interplay led to the operation, by a few large companies, of a big number of supplies owned by municipalities. This contrasts with a process, more than widespread elsewhere, of transfer of private commercial h2o supply systems to public ownership in order to amend control quality and see the needs of all citizens. Private participation in public h2o supplies in Europe has a long history from early on commercial enterprises, to long term concessions in several large cities such as Barcelona and to privatisation in UK and Eastern Europe.

With a few exceptions, public water supplies to large cities in Europe commenced betwixt 1850 and 1900, in some cases using private companies. Initial drivers included burn down fighting, industrial demand and public health. Past nigh 1950 most remaining supplies in private buying had been taken over by municipalities. In Eastern Europe water supplies were generally nationalized between 1945 and 1950 but were re-privatized or transferred to municipal ownership around 1995. Privatisation of some city water supplies occurred generally betwixt 1990 and 2005 just some cases of transfer back to municipal ownership take occurred, for example Grenoble in 2000 (Juuti, 2005).

Members of the EU, 27 states in 2008, have to comply with the same European legislation (EC directives) applying to U.k. and described elsewhere in this affiliate. The institutions responsible for unlike aspects of h2o supply and environmental legislation vary widely.

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Prospect for Environmental Alter

Susan Baker , in Environmental Policy in an International Context, 2003

Full general policy interests

The development past the Eu of a foreign policy is legally sanctioned by article thirty.1 of the Single European Act (SEA). The Maastricht Treaty further strengthened the EU's commitment to international action. The Community's beginning trade and co-functioning agreement with a Comecon country, Hungary, came into force in December 1988. This was followed past an agreement with Poland in December 1989 and by numerous others, including Bulgaria, in November 1990.

This involvement, yet, tended to be both reactive and ad hoc and at Rhodes in 1988 the Community argued for the need for a more coherent and effective response to the changes that were occurring in the Soviet bloc. A conclusion was subsequently made at the 1989 summit of the G7 industrialised countries to sponsor a programme of aid and restructuring in the sometime Eastern bloc. Later the G7 too as the World Bank were to commit funding and the European Commission was given responsibility for co-ordinating the actions of the group of 24 OECD countries under a program called the Phare Program (Poland and Hungary: Action for Restructuring the Economy). This was initially designed to help Poland and Republic of hungary carry through their reforms. Being given the task of co-ordinating this entire multinational aid plan was a major political success for the Union (see Box 5).

5

The Phare Programme

Initially the assistance that the European Community co-ordinated was confined to Poland and Hungary, only information technology was subsequently extended to include Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German democratic republic, Romania and Yugoslavia. Albania and the Baltic states were included in the programme in 1992, bringing the full number of beneficiaries to ten. Past 1993 this had been increased to xi countries.

The aim of the Phare Programme is to support the procedure of economic restructuring in former Eastern bloc countries and to 'encourage the changes necessary to build a market-orientated economy and to promote individual enterprise' (Commission, 1992, p.2).The connection betwixt democratic and market reforms was also explicit in Phare and a second, closely related, concern was to aid strengthen the newly forming democracies of Eastern Europe (Commission, 1994d, p.I). In this sense the EU's involvement can exist seen equally a temporary measure, preparing the ground, politically, economically, socially and environmentally, for subsequent inward investment by European industry. This preparation mainly involves giving technical assist, first-up aid, infrastructural assistance and skill transfer to the recipient country, every bit well as some humanitarian aid (Committee, 1994d, p.5).As the recipient countries progress with restructuring, it is intended that the focus of Phare will shift away from the provision of know-how towards investment to back up the development of economic, social and physical structures for further integration into the Western European organization, in particular full EU membership (Commission, 1994d, p. 16).

In the start five years of operation to 1994, Phare has made bachelor 4283 million ECU to 11 partner countries, making Phare the largest assistance programme of its kind (Commission, 1994b, p.v).The money takes the class ofgrants. The resource allotment of funds is based on the decision 'to base programmes on a 2 yr perspective whenever possible and so as to better concentrate on the long-term infrastructural requirements of economies converting to market principles' (Commission, 1992a, p.42).

After 1991,the Community targeted a small number of core areas on which to focus its assistance, areas identified as key to ensuring the success of the transition process. The outset of these is privatisation and restructuring of the economy and the provision of a legislative and regulatory framework inside which the market economy can role. The 2d cadre area is the modernisation of banking and fiscal services. The third area is the promotion of small and medium enterprises in the individual sector. The quaternary area is social, including labour market policy and social security arrangements. Finally, at that place are policies to deal with the strengthening of ceremonious society and environmental protection.

The position of environmental policy in the Phare Program is cryptic. On the 1 manus, the Commission has argued that environmental policy forms a crucial component of its reform package for East and Central Europe. Furthermore, it argues that its aim is to integrate ecology considerations into all aspects of the economic reform package (Committee, 1992b, p.29). On the other hand, it continuously gives priority to economic reform, fifty-fifty if these measures bring negative environmental consequences. The main priority area for funding, for example, has been the restructuring of state enterprises and private sector development, accounting for 23.5% of Phare funds, with 11.5% going to agricultural restructuring and only nine% to environment and nuclear rubber, with a similar nine% to infrastructure, including free energy, ship and telecommunication (Commission, 1994d, p.7).

Similar ambiguity surrounds the place of ecology considerations in other Eu initiatives. While the Phare initiative is the most important of the Eu programmes in the old Soviet bloc, it has also been accompanied by other Union initiatives. These include creating the European Bank for Reconstruction and Evolution (BERD), which has the specific aim of using Western aid to help develop the individual sector in Eastern and Central Europe. The Wedlock and its member states are the largest contributors to BERD and Phare as a whole, although they are joined in information technology by the U.s., Nippon and other Western countries equally well as by international institutions. Its emphasis is on stimulating private enterprise as well every bit republic and the market economy. Information technology is likewise required to promote in all its activities environmentally sound and sustainable evolution. However, the shift from declaratory political statements about sustainable development to the integration of environmental considerations into the design and implementation of actual policies funded by BERD has yet to be accomplished (European Banking concern for Reconstruction and Evolution, 1992). When complex policies are implemented in complex settings the consequence is often a gap between the declared aim of policy and the actual policy outcome and this case is no exception.

Other initiatives are also in operation, including those of a more than directly political nature which endeavor to rebuild civil society. Besides equally the introduction of multiparty elections, democratisation also involves the setting upwards of a whole range of institutions and the introduction of new procedures and practices in nigh parts of authorities, the legal organization and in representative bodies such equally political parties and trade unions (Committee, 1994, p. 135). There is also support for non-governmental organisations (NGOs) which contribute to greater participation of individuals and groups in shaping social and economic development and public policy. Helping the development of the voluntary sector is seen every bit an important component of the social infrastructure of the newly democratising countries. Past helping to establish NGOs like to those found in the West, it is intended to strengthen the ties that hold these new democracies to the Western system, especially at the local level where it is harder for the EU to penetrate straight (Committee, 1994a, p.48–49).

The overall aim is to encourage the development of an open guild and encourage open discussion, debate and increased admission past interest groups to the policy process. Contend and public participation is considered to exist particularly of import in the environmental policy arena for the post-obit reasons. First, this policy field is relatively new and the definition of policy issues is open to much controversy, not least among the policy experts. 2nd, policy solutions remain relatively underdeveloped and a good deal of scientific and technical uncertainty remains. Participation of environmental interest groups in the policy process helps widen the information and prove available for utilise in developing policy solutions, while also helping to win acceptance for particular policy solutions. Third, environmental policy does not fit neatly into existing delineations of administrative competencies, but rather straddles traditional administrative boundaries, such as agriculture, industry, mining, fishing and forestry also as urban planning. Thus successful policy outcomes require non only that environmental considerations be integrated into the policy fields, only that open argue take identify betwixt interested parties, in order to achieve maximum policy coherence across a broad range of policy areas.

Fourth, ecology direction also requires behavioural changes, not only within firms and industry but as well at the level of the household and the individual. Thus ecology policy cannot be successful if information technology is seen only equally an imposition from above – it must also sally as the production of 'bottom-up' input.

Fifth, NGOs, at to the lowest degree in the West, accept played a fundamental role in ensuring implementation of environmental policy, acting every bit watchdogs of the policy process, including informing on fellow member states who fail to implement fully particular policies, raising public awareness of environmental issues, particularly at the local level, providing expertise and policy solutions and in some cases actually taking charge of policy implementation (Baker, 1993). NGO participation in ensuring constructive and efficient policy outcomes is, at least in function, dependent upon the openness of the policy process to their interests.

Finally, environmental groups played a key role in destabilising many of the old communist regimes, especially in Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria and the expectation is that the new governments non just acknowledge this but that the reform procedure will provide ecology interests with access to the policy process, which was long denied them nether communism. However, information technology must too be acknowledged that the influence of local and international NGOs on ecology policy since the revolutions has been relatively weak.

Plate vi.three. Berlin, ten May 1991. Members of Greenpeace scaled the Brandenburg Gate to protest against the use of nuclear free energy. 'Free energy for the East – Without Atomic Energy' announced a placard strung beyond the top of the building. The protestation came at a time of growing concern over the safe of nuclear reactors in Eastern Europe and the USSR.

 Photo: Camera Press, London

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